May 25, 2012
South Africa Re-labels all Imports from the West Bank as "Made in Occupied Palestine"

Fucking awesome…

brosephstalin:

The international effort to boycott products made in Israeli settlements got a boost recently from a formidable quarter. South Africa announced it would label imports from the West Bank not “Made in Israel” but perhaps “Made in Occupied Palestine.”  It seems a small thing. The new regulation stops well short of calling for a boycott on Ahava beauty products and other exports manufactured or grown by Israeli companies on Palestinian land occupied by the Israeli military since 1967.

But the labeling regulation makes such a boycott more feasible, which is one reason Israel is making a big deal of it.  Another reason, of course, is that on the question of moral heft, South Africa ranks as a heavyweight. From the 1960s to the end of the 80s, an international boycott and disinvestment campaign against the Pretoria regime was one of the factors that led to abandoning the apartheid system that long let the white minority rule the black majority.

“It hurts, yes,” says Itzhak Galnoor, a political scientist at Hebrew University in Jerusalem. “It does send a message to the Israeli people and the Israeli government that the stalemate between Israel and the Palestinians is not acceptable. And I think that countries have the right to send the message.”

Galnoor is among the minority of Israelis who have long boycotted settlement products – making a point at the supermarket of not purchasing goods produced by Israeli companies on the Palestinian territory.  Mostly that’s fruits and vegetables – Israeli plantation agriculture has turned the occupied Jordan River Valley into one big truck farm – but also fine wines and other temptations.  To avoid “normalizing” the occupation, some Israelis also refuse to drive on Hwy. 443, a freeway cut into the West Bank for the convenience of Israelis commuting to Jerusalem from the coastal plain. (This can be a real sacrifice: The 443 is the only alternative to the steeper, almost alpine and frequently backed up Hwy 1, which except for a short span on “no-man’s land” lies entirely within Israel’s 1948 sovereign borders). The settlement product boycott is also being debated among American Jews at the urging of author Peter Beinart whose book The Crisis of Zionism  argues that the occupation is endangering Israeli democracy.

(Read More)

(via arielnietzsche)

May 8, 2012
Dear Israel, This Is Why I Left (Jewish mother, on why she couldn't live in Israel any longer)

verbalresistance:

I lived in Tel Aviv for 14 years, and having been back in America for almost as long, still miss it every day. At Passover, that longing becomes an almost physical weight in my chest.

The smells of springtime Chicago aren’t right, and neither is the culture. I want to be surrounded by people who know why I’m frantic in the lead-up to the Seder, bus drivers wishing me a hag sameah, and neighbors asking “where are you for the holiday?” I want to be home.

But I’m not home. Instead I’m in the gentle exile of American suburbia—a self-imposed, political exile that I undertook for the sake of my children.

When the second intifada broke out, my Jerusalemite husband and I were temporarily in the US as I worked toward my Masters degree at the University of Chicago. We assured everyone (over and over) that we would be back in Israel by the time our just-born son went to kindergarten—it would be easier, we figured, if he started school in the country where he’d be growing up.

But then the intifada ground on. And Israel responded with increasing violence, and a steadfast refusal to admit any culpability, or need to make good on past promises, or understanding that the Palestinians were reacting as we would, had we been occupied for decades on end.

For a year my husband and I wrestled with our fears, not even sharing them with each other—then one day, when home for a visit with our son, we began to talk, and realized: We didn’t want to raise children in that place. The Jewish State was no longer a place in which we wanted to build a family—“for the time being.”

In the meantime, “the time being” has become our lives. The boy was joined by a girl, birthdays have come and gone, and nothing about Israel in the past decade has convinced us that our Israeli children should leave the galut.

On the contrary: As Israel has become more deeply entrenched in the settlement enterprise, more dedicated to an increasingly violent and dehumanizing occupation, and indeed, increasingly less democratic toward even those with the good fortune to be Jewish, we’ve come to realize that we’re not likely to ever move back.

I don’t know if our children are any physically safer here than there, but I do know this: They’re not being groomed for service in a military now devoted less to the defense of the state, than to the oppression of another people. They’re not caught in an educational system made small and narrow by lack of funds, even as the government pours funds into settlements built illegally on stolen land. They’re not being lied to daily by leaders who mouth platitudes about peace, even as their actions do nothing but undermine the possibility of peace.

They think of Israel as home, too. We speak Hebrew in our house, are active members of our Conservative shul, and visit about once a year.

And when we’re there, between laughter on the beach and overnights on their cousins’ kibbutz, we teach them things they don’t learn about in Hebrew school: We show them road blocks, strewn across the West Bank. We gaze at the Separation Barrier snaking through Palestinian land, and ask how they would feel if soldiers came and threw them out of their home. We march in East Jerusalem.

And if I ever doubted the wisdom of our decision, a video emerged from Israeli television this week to wipe any doubts away: Asked for reactions to the recent traffic accident deaths of a group of Palestinian children, teenager after teenager responded with nauseating levels of animosity: “They’re whores, not people, and they don’t deserve to live,” one young man said. “They can be the future of terrorist attacks.” When the reporter pointed out that the dead were but 4 or 5 years old, the boy responded: “Little kids, so what?”

Lest we be tempted to think that these kids are simply bad apples – in 2010, nearly half of Israeli teens surveyed said they didn’t support equal rights for Israel’s Arab citizens. More than half would deny them the right to be elected to the Knesset.

A society that has become centered on protecting, maintaining and furthering the oppression of another people produces and indeed rewards hate. This is not unique to Israel or Israelis—it’s human.

But I will not raise the two humans who matter most to me in such an atmosphere. I will protect them from what Israel has become, and I will raise them to know the Jewish values of human dignity and the sanctity of life.

And every year at this time, my heart will ache as I say “Next year in Jerusalem.” Because I know that next year, I’ll be right here.

The Daily Beast

April 25, 2012
In banning a UN probe, Israel is joining the worst of clubs

verbalresistance:

It is doubtful there is any country that sees the UN as a fair arena, but it is the only arena in which there are reasonable and more or less agreed upon criteria for the conduct of countries.

The decision by the United Nations Human Rights Council to establish an investigative committee on the matter of the settlements is not the problem. This committee will, after all, not discover anything the American administration, the Quartet countries, the European Union and all of Israel’s friends haven’t known for years. No secret room will be unearthed all of a sudden. The damage caused by the settlements is obvious, documented and detailed in thousands of documents that have already turned yellow.

Nor will the UN be surprised by the findings. This is because the problem is not a probe of the damage caused by the settlements but rather the very fact that they have caused damage with the permission and encouragement of the governments of Israel. Openly, demonstratively and without fear Israel is taking control of territories, preventing the movement of civilians, confiscating at will funds belonging to the Palestinian Authority and enforcing separate legal systems for Israelis and Palestinians.

Nor do the Palestinians need this investigative committee. They, like no one else, are living the damages caused by the settlements and they, like no one else, understand that the X-ray the committee will present is not a substitute for curing the malignant illness.

It is in fact the citizens of Israel who need a committee that will assemble for them an orderly file containing the series of injustices and crimes the government and the settlers are committing in their name. They need this, but they aren’t interested.

The committee is feared in Israel because it wil prove once again that Israel is not alone. Sri Lanka, Iran, China, Syria, Russia and Libya also abhor the UN Human Rights Council. On Saturday Russia announced it was rejecting the council’s decision concerning Syria because it is “one-sided” and because it does not also place blame on the Syrian opposition for the killing and the violations of human rights. This is a formulation quite similar to the Israeli one explaining why it will not cooperate with the committee. “Don’t even answer a phone call from the committee,” the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has ordered its representatives. Diplomatic heroism? Standing steadfast in face of the enemy? Doubtful. Apparently the Israeli aversion testifies more than anything else to the fact that stateless Palestinians have succeeded in establishing an interlocking system of weapons against Israel: the more the different agencies of the UN adopt Palestine as a state, the more Israel will remove itself from the organization. It’s a zero sum game.

True, the UN is a difficult front and one that is sometimes hostile to Israel. Its main flaw is that it can act only where it is allowed to. It has difficulty resolving international conflicts, preventing wars and repairing damage caused by them. It serves mainly as an arena for games played by the major powers and not as a forum for all the states that need its protection.

However, its main strength lies in its ability to SULLY give a very bad name to anyone who violates the rules of the game, even if the offender is a major power. When Russia imposed a veto on the proposed resolution on Syria, it became an evil state in the eyes of the Western and Arab world (though not in Israel’s eyes); when the United States imposed a veto on a proposed resolution condemning the settlements, it was subjected to tremendous criticism - and not only from the Arab countries.

It is doubtful there is any country that sees the UN as a fair arena, but it is the only arena in which there are reasonable and more or less agreed upon criteria for the conduct of countries. It is the forum that affords some sort of significance to the concept of “the international community” to which everyone, even Israel, wants to belong.

Thus, despite Israel’s deep scorn towards and historic quarrel with the UN and its institutions, even Jerusalem has to relate to the organization seriously. It is demanding of the UN that it impose sanctions on Iran; it has understood, too late, the meaning of its refusal to cooperate with the organization’s investigative committees (as in the UN-commissioned Goldstone report on Operation Cast Lead); it brings before the organization Lebanon’s security violations; it fought for Zionism’s good name when the movement was defined as racist and it of course owes the UN for its very existence through recognition of Israel as a state.

A UN investigative committee does not need cooperation on the part of the government of Israel. It has managed pretty well in Syria, Iran, China and Sri Lanka without cooperation from those governments. And that is how those uncooperative governments look. And that too is how Israel looks. We know it. But we’d rather not let them rip the mask off our face.

Haaretz

April 9, 2012
Sharp increase in Palestinian deaths in 2011 - Jerusalem-based B'Tselem

April 9, 2012
Nobel Prize-winning author Guenter Grass Denied Entry to Israel for Questioning its Nuclear Monopoly

Tell me how we justify giving these segregationists money by saying they defend freedom in the middle east….

March 28, 2012
Keeping sane.: Israel is fighting a losing battle over victimhood

In her new book, “Who is Afraid of Historical Redress: The Israeli Victim-Perpetrator Dichotomy,” Dr. Ruth Amir wrotes that the perception of Israeli-Jewish victimhood, which was always present in the Jewish narrative and Jewish thought, became even stronger after the Holocaust and serves to…

(Source: haaretz.com)

March 25, 2012

fuckyeahmarxismleninism:

Washington, DC: Hundreds rallied outside the notorious AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee) conference on March 4, 2012, chanting as President Obama’s limousine drove by. Combining support for Palestinian statehood and demands for NO WAR ON IRAN, protesters marched right up to the front steps of the DC Convention Center, where they spoke and chanted against the war mongers inside.

Photos: Philadelphia International Action Center

February 26, 2012

thepalestineyoudontknow:

Gaza airport and Palestinian Airlines (see Historical Background )

Airports in Palestine, including Gaza, were important stops in the prestigious network of Imperial Airways. Palestinian Airways, founded in July 1937 by Pinhas Rutenberg, began with flights between Haifa and Lydda using 2 Shorts S.16 Scion 2 planes. Palestine Airways ceased its operations in August 1940 and its aircraft were taken-over by the Royal Air Force during the second world war. 

During the fifties and sixties, there were no air services to Gaza while flights to the West Bank were operated through Jerusalem’s Kolundia Airport (JRS). Regional flights were flown to JRS by several Arab airlines, most of the traffic being carried by those registered in Jordan. The Six Days war in 1967 saw Kolundia airport taken over by the occupation.

An international airport in the Palestinian Authority’s territory was difficult for Israel to accept for both security and symbolic reasons. Israeli restricted possible sites to the Gaza strip and required close and direct Israeli supervision. Construction of the Yasser Arafat International Airport [GZA] was the best that could be accomplished before a peace agreement. Work started in January 1996. The costs were mainly covered by donations from Japan, Europe and Morocco. Located near Rafah, GZA had a single runway that could handle most airliner types including the Boeing 747 and was designed for up to 700,000 passengers yearly.

Palestinian Airlines began operating from Port Said in January 1997 with two Fokker F-50s donated by the Dutch government and a Boeing 727 donated by Saudi prince Alwaleed bin Talal. The airline transferred its base to GZA and started operating scheduled flights from Gaza in November 1998, flying to Amman and Cairo. Two De Havilland Dash-8s were purchased in order to reinforce regional frequencies and two Canadair Regional Jets were ordered and there were plans for the lease or purchase of 3 Boeing 737s in order to expand the network towards Athens, Rome, Frankfurt, Paris and London. Palestinian Airlines’ highest level of operation was in the Summer of 2000. Other airlines flying to GZA at that time Russavia, Tarom, Royal Air Maroc, Royal Jordanian and Egyptair.

The airline was grounded in October 2000 following the start of the Al-Aqsa Intifada and was forced to move to El Arish International Airport in Egypt when on on December 12th 2001 GZA was bombed by the Israeli army and the control tower destroyed. On 10 January 2002, the US$60 million runway was completely destroyed by the Israeli army, shattering hopes for the resumption of flights to the airport.(x)

February 2, 2012

An exceptionally critical update on the class system and human rights in Chile, where, in certain neighborhoods, it is illegal for domestic workers to walk down the street or swim in pools…

January 29, 2012
thepalestineyoudontknow:

“we are staying here ” , during a rally orgnized by  Palestinians in front of the Office of israeli  Prime Minister Netanyahu in Jerusalem to protest the demolition of  houses in Naqab villages and the Judaization of the village of Araqeeb.

thepalestineyoudontknow:

“we are staying here ” , during a rally orgnized by  Palestinians in front of the Office of israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu in Jerusalem to protest the demolition of houses in Naqab villages and the Judaization of the village of Araqeeb.

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